Haji Muhammad Soeharto, called Harto, is a big name who led the Republic of Indonesia for 32 years. An extraordinary leadership ability that must be recognized by friends and political opponents (happy or not). It moves development with the Development Trilogy strategy (stability, growth and equity). Even had received an award from FAO for the success of achieving food self-sufficiency (1985). So, at that time it was appropriate that he was awarded the award as Father of National Development.
However, finally he had to lay down his position tragically, not solely because of the pressure of student demonstrations (1998), but rather as a result of the betrayal of his close assistants who were previously ABS and ambitious without political fatsoen. When he was just put down, there were rumors that were growing. If Pak Harto had heard the conscience of his beloved wife, Ibu Tien Soeharto, who was said to have stopped him about ten years earlier, surely his leadership would not end with various blasphemies that cornered him as if he had never done good for his nation and country.
He was indeed like losing his 'inspiration' and 'friend's love' after Mrs. Tien Soeharto passed away (Sunday, April 28, 1996). Pak Harto is not the only man who feels this way. Many men (leaders) are actually 'strong' because they are supported by their wives. One example, Bill Clinton may have fallen prematurely if not supported by his wife Hillary Clinton.
Pak Harto did not immediately find a replacement for his wife. His loneliness is overcome by the encouragement of devotion to his nation and country. He spent time in carrying out his heavy duty as president. Moreover, some of his assistants gave him reports and hopes that encouraged him to remain as president. In fact, with his assistant (his minister) BJ Habibie, he could talk for hours. Not infrequently the staff must provide instant noodles if they wait for their meeting.
The people of this nation certainly still remember. After the 1997 Election and before the March 1998 General Assembly, the assistants, including Harmoko, as the General Chairperson of the Golkar DPP, stated that they would continue to nominate HM Soeharto as president of 1998-2003. But, precisely on the 33rd Golkar Anniversary, October 1997, HM Soeharto returned the statement to be checked again: Did the people really want it to be president?
After a few months, on January 20, 1998, the three leaders of the Golkar Family or commonly called the Three Golkar Paths, namely the Golkar / Beringin (Harmoko) line, the ABRI line (Feisal Tanjung) and the bureaucratic pathway (Yogie SM), came to Bina Graha conveyed the results of re-checking the wishes of the people in the nomination of HM Soeharto as President of the Republic of Indonesia.
At that time they reported to Pak Harto. "It turns out that the people really only have one Indonesian presidential candidate for the 1998-2003 period, HM Soeharto," Harmoko announced to the press after reporting to Pak Harto. "The majority of Indonesian people still want Mr. Haji Muhammad Soeharto to be nominated as President of the Republic of Indonesia in 1998-2003," said Harmoko who was accompanied by M Yogie SM and TNI General Feisal Tanjung at that time.
According to Harmoko, TNI General (Retired) H Muhammad Soeharto, after receiving the results of the checking, stated that he was willing to be re-nominated as President of the Republic of Indonesia in 1998-2003. In addition to announcing Pak Harto's willingness to be re-elected as President of the Republic of Indonesia, according to Harmoko, the Golkar Family also made criteria for prospective Vice Presidents, including understanding science and industry. This statement refers to BJ Habibie.
From the results of the checks carried out by the big Golkar family, according to Harmoko, Pak Harto appreciated the trust of most of the Indonesian people even though there had to be sacrifices for the benefit of the family. But for the benefit of the nation and the state, Haji Muhammad Soeharto could not avoid responsibility as a patriot and national fighter.
"With the trust of the people this does not make Mr. Haji Muhammad Soeharto behave 'high in the playing field'. That is Pak Harto's term which means not leaving the responsibility and evading the people's trust in the interests of the state and nation," said Harmoko.
But, it turns out that it was the beginning of a tragedy of decay and treachery was rolled out. HM Soeharto was indeed re-elected as President from 1998-2003 at the MPR General Session, 1-11 March 1998. Accompanied by BJ Habibie as vice president.
However, student components and various community groups continued to launch demonstrations asking President Soeharto and Vice President BJ Habibie to step down and Golkar disbanded. At that time, Pak Harto still seemed confident that the demonstration would recede in the not too distant future. So in early May 1998, he left for Cairo, Egypt, to attend the Non-aligned Summit. When departing, at Halim Perdanakusuma airport, he was released by Vice President BJ Habibie, Fangab Feisal Tanjung, also the ICMI Daily Chair Tirto Sudiro and a number of other ministers who partially betrayed him.
Meanwhile, after Pak Harto's death, within a few days, the atmosphere of Jakarta was increasingly tense. Aside from the increasingly widespread student demonstrations, there was also the issue of a mystery in the body of ABRI. The mystery was colored by the direction of grouping in the military body. In addition to many pro activists demanding 'lost' somewhere, thousands of members of the military 'disappeared' from their units were rumored to carry complete weapons and reserve ammunition.
"What is really happening in Indonesia, is a big question mark that must be sought immediately. Is a power game being played in Indonesia? Who plays with armed groups, as well as how to map the strength of the civilian movement? It is something we must analyze together, "wrote a magazine at the time. Some questions that have remained mysterious today.
The atmosphere was increasingly tense, on May 12, 1998, due to the shooting of students at the Trisakti University campus, which became known as the Trisakti Tragedy. Four students died. Students are getting angry. Almost throughout the campus there were demonstrations. Even some started to leave the campus. At the same time, there was a burning of cars around the parking lot near Trisakti University.
In fact, on May 13, 1998, students like being lured to leave the campus. The situation at the Atmajaya Catholic University in Jakarta actually invited a question mark. There was a group of demonstrators who pelted students on campus because they did not leave the campus. Students remain on campus in a mourning atmosphere.
The following day, May 14, 1998, there was a disaster in Jakarta. Chinese people are targeted. Shops and shopping centers were burned. At that time, Jakarta was like no security guard. While ABRI officials were in Malang. In the field there was a strong provocator who moved. In some places, there was a shout: "Students come ... students come!"
In these chaotic conditions, apparently students are very observant. Apparently, they avoided being scapegoats. Because that day, and the next day, there were no demonstrations of students leaving the campus. In fact, there were some students who were not used to participating in the demonstration before, choosing not to go home from campus rather than being trapped in a crowded street.
This situation forced HM Soeharto to return sooner than the schedule from Egypt. Before going home, rumors circulated that he would be intercepted by students. But Suharto remained home, without any deterrence as previously thought. Before going home, in the presence of Indonesian citizens in Egypt, he said he was willing to step down if the people wanted him. At that time, he asserted that he would not use armed forces against students and the will of the people.
Arriving in Jakarta, HM Soeharto then invited several community leaders, including Abdurrahman Wahid and Nurcholis Madjid, without Amien Rais and Adi Sasono, to discuss the formation of the Reform Committee. He also plans to overhaul his cabinet to become the Reform Cabinet. He offers gradual reforms to prevent shocks.
He also received a rector from the University of Indonesia. They came to ask President Soeharto to stop respectfully. HM Soeharto invited them to deliver their aspirations through the MPR. The student demonstration finally focused on the MPR / DPR building. They occupied the legislative building.
Harmoko, who served as Chairperson of the People's Consultative Assembly and other leaders of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR), accommodated the insistence of students who asked Pak Harto to step down. In front of the students, Harmoko stated that the MPR leadership agreed with the students' insistence to ask Pak Harto to resign. Harmoko was not affected by his statement when he asked Pak Harto's willingness to be re-nominated as president long before the MPR SU.
Harmoko's statement was then explained (denied) by the Commander General Wiranto as not an institutional statement but rather a personal statement.
HM Soeharto certainly closely followed the developments. Until the afternoon of May 20, 1998, it seemed that he still believed he would be able to overcome the situation peacefully by forming a Reform Committee and overhauling the cabinet to become the Reform Cabinet. But Pak Harto's good wishes were greeted coldly by various groups and even tragically rejected by some of his assistants (ministers) whom he raised.
Apparently this was the last moment he was president. That day, Wednesday 20 May 1998 at around 7:30 p.m., Harto received the former Vice President Sudharmono at the residence of Jalan Cendana 8 Jakarta. At that time, according to Sudharmono, President Soeharto said he would continue to carry out the duties of the president and would immediately announce the formation of the Reform Committee and make changes to the composition of the Development Cabinet VII.
About the next half hour, at 8:00 p.m., Vice President B.J. Habibie faced Pak Harto. Then around 8:30 p.m., Saadillah Mursyid was asked to meet with President Soeharto who was with Vice President B.J. Habibie in the living room of the Cendana 8 Road. In the presence of Vice President BJ Habibie, President Soeharto asked Saadillah Mursyid, Minister of State Secretary, to prepare the final text: Presidential Decree on the Reform Committee and Presidential Decree on the Formation of the Reform Cabinet.
At that time, President Soeharto stated that he would announce and carry out his inauguration tomorrow, Thursday, May 21, 1998. For this purpose President Soeharto also requested that the ceremony room or commonly called the credential space at the Merdeka Palace be prepared.
Then Vice President B.J Habibie returned home. Meanwhile, as many as fourteen ministers made statements unwilling to participate in the Reform Cabinet planned by Pak Harto. They were the ministers who had been raised by Pak Harto.
Then, around 9:00 p.m., after BJ Habibie returned home, Saadillah Mursyid begged to continue meeting Pak Harto. On that occasion, Saadillah Mursyid reported that a number of people who were planned to become members of the Reform Committee had expressed refusal. Saadillah also reported that information that fourteen ministers planned to sit in the Reform Cabinet said they were not willing to participate in the Cabinet. After that, Saadillah returned home.
But around 9:40 p.m., Saadillah Mursyid was asked to meet President Soeharto again. Saadillah rushed to the room where the President usually receives guests, including receiving ministers. Saadillah was surprised because the President was not in the room. When asked, then the adjutant informed that President Soeharto was waiting in the study at the private residence.
Around 10:15 p.m. on Wednesday, May 20, 1998, HM Soeharto invited Saadillah to sit next to him. There is only one chair, where HM Suharto sat. Then Saadillah was welcome to shift the puff, a square seat, to get closer.
After a moment of silence, then HM Soeharto said: "All efforts to save the nation and the country have been done. But God seems to have other wishes. Clashes between students and ABRI should not occur. I don't want bloodshed to happen. Therefore, I decided to quit as President, according to Article 8 of the 1945 Constitution. "
Then, to Saadillah as Minister of State Secretary, was asked to prepare four things. First, the concept of 'Statement of Stopping from the position of President of the Republic of Indonesia'; Secondly, informing the leadership of the House of Representatives that the request of the DPR leadership to meet and consult with the President will be held on Thursday, May 21, 1998 at 9:00 in the Jepara Palace of Merdeka; Third, tell Vice President BJ Habibie to be present at the Merdeka Palace on Thursday, May 21, 1998 at 9:00 a.m. and to be ready to make the Presidential Oath before the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court; Fourth, requesting the presence of the Chairperson of the Supreme Court at the Merdeka Palace on Thursday, May 21, 1998 at 9:00 a.m.
Saadillah also immediately notified the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Vice President and Chair of the Supreme Court by telephone. It was late at midnight. Then, together with the staff, Saadillah immediately began drafting the manuscript of the President's Stop Statement. After getting the points and direction, Bambang Kesowo, at that time the Deputy Cabinet Secretary, and Soenarto Soedharmo, at that time the Special Assistant Minister of State Secretary began to draft the initial concept. While Yusril Ihza Mahendra, when it was Assistant Assistant (Banas) Minister of State Secretary, provided inputs, especially in terms of constitutional law.
The concept is arranged together, as is the work of a staff. Not the work of individuals. After the concept was researched and corrected several times, at 3:00 a.m. before dawn on May 21, 1998 the text of the Statement was ready to be submitted to the President.
Manuscripts are submitted through standard procedures at the State Secretariat. The neatly typed concept is submitted to the Adjutant. The adjutant put the manuscript on the President's desk.
In the morning, Thursday, May 21, 1998 at around 10:00 am in the ceremony hall of Merdeka Palace, which was commonly called the credential room, President Soeharto delivered a speech Declaring As President of the Republic of Indonesia.
In his speech, President Soeharto stated, among other things: "I have stated the plan for the formation of a Reform Committee and amend the composition of the Development Cabinet VII. However, the reality to this day shows that the Reform Committee could not be realized, because there was no adequate response to the plan for the formation of the Committee. In the desire to implement reforms in the best possible way possible, I consider that with the absence of the Reform Committee, the change in the composition of the VII Development Cabinet will no longer be needed. "
By paying attention to the above conditions, I think it is very difficult for me to be able to carry out the duties of government and development properly. Therefore, with due observance of the provisions of Article 8 of the 1945 Constitution and after paying close attention to the views of the Leaders of the House of Representatives and the leaders of the factions in it, I decided to leave my position as President of the Republic of Indonesia, as of the time I read this statement, today, Thursday, May 21, 1998. "
After that, accompanied by his eldest daughter, Siti Hardiyanti Rukmana (Mbak Tutut) and Saadillah Mursyid, Pak Harto waved to leave the Merdeka Palace to return to the residence on Jalan Cendana 8. When he arrived at the residence, before sitting in the living room, Pak Harto raised the two sides hand while saying: "Allahu Akbar. After being burdened on my shoulders for decades. "Then the sons and daughters greeted him.
After that, Pak Harto became the months of scorn and blasphemy. Not only from people who were previously not in line with Pak Harto, but more than the Golkar ministers and figures who have not hesitated to do various ways to get closer. Even BJ Habibie, who claimed to be raised by HM Soeharto, also seemed without a political fatso to take the position that in politics there is no lasting friendship, only the interests are eternal.
They did not hesitate to position Pak Harto and the Cendana family like a waste basket. The dump is all dirty. That all defilements in the New Order era were inflicted on Pak Harto and his family. Apparently, HM Soeharto and his family were the only ones who committed corruption in that era.
HM Soeharto was 'exiled' from Golkar he grew up. The Golkar elites were even the ones who shouted first for Soeharto to be arrested because of the crimes alleged to him during his reign. Golkar, which was previously more dominated by ABRI's influence, seemed to shift more dominated by ICMI elites (Indonesian Muslim Intellectuals Association).
A tendentious tragedy of the constitution, which was heavily colored by political subjectivity, took place. In the MPR Special Session on November 13, 1998 - the MPR which was still dominated by Golkar power from the 1997 Election results - established MPR Decree No. XI / MPR / 1998. Article 4 of the People's Consultative Assembly decree reads: "Efforts to eradicate corruption, collusion and nepotism must be carried out firmly against anyone, both state officials, former state officials, their families and cronies as well as private parties / conglomerates including former President Soeharto while still taking into account the presumption principle. guilty and human rights. "
The explicit mention of people's names - former President Soeharto - in this article seems tendentious, absurd and deeply colored by the nature of political subjectivity and outside the prevalence of the Indonesian state system. Shouldn't the format of an MPR Tap be the general lines of a state policy? As a result, this article as intended to be positioned only applies to former President Soeharto, but does not apply to other former presidents.
Apparently, that was the culmination of the betrayal of several former ministers and the Golkar elite he grew up with. Although Pak Harto never said explicitly that they betrayed him. But his attitude that to this day has not been willing to accept BJ Habibie's visit and several former ministers and other Golkar elites can be understood by various parties as an indication in that direction.
Pak Harto also showed his fortitude and determination. He finally was tried with allegations of corruption, misuse of funds he founded. He stated that he was willing to account for the foundation's funds. But, he fell ill which caused the trial process to be stopped.
But not all of his former ministers have the heart to betray, have no political morals. There are some who actually get closer to him personally after he is no longer in power. One of them is Saadillah Mursyid, former Secretary of State. Saadillah stated: "Hopefully I will avoid people who, when Pak Harto held the position of President, always approached, licked and looked for the face. When Pak Harto was no longer the President, these people also voiced loud blasphemy, scorned, threw all mistakes at Soeharto. Such groups of people get the curse of Allah and for them a bad, abominable dwelling place (Qur'an, Surah Ar Ra'ad verse 25). "
Biography of President Soeharto.
Suharto was the second President of the Republic of Indonesia. He was born in Kemusuk, Yogyakarta, on June 8, 1921. His father was named Kertosudiro, a farmer who was also a village assistant in irrigating the village rice fields, while his mother was named Sukirah. Suharto entered school when he was eight years old, but often moved. Originally schooled at Puluhan, Godean Village School (SD). Then he moved to SD Pedes, because his mother and husband, Pak Pramono moved home, to Kemusuk Kidul. However, Mr. Kertosudiro then moved him to Wuryantoro. Soeharto was entrusted to the home of his younger sister who married Prawirowihardjo, a peasant farmer.
Until finally he was elected as a model soldier at Bintara School, Gombong, Central Java in 1941. He officially became a member of the TNI on October 5, 1945. In 1947, Suharto married Siti Hartinah a son of a Mangkunegaran employee.
The marriage of Lieutenant Colonel Suharto and Siti Hartinah took place on December 26, 1947 in Solo. At that time, Soeharto was 26 years old and Hartinah was 24 years old. They are blessed with six sons and daughters; Siti Hardiyanti Hastuti, Sigit Harjojudanto, Bambang Trihatmodjo, Siti Hediati Herijadi, Hutomo Mandala Putra and Siti Hutami Endang Adiningsih.
Great General H.M. Suharto has embarked on a long journey in his military and political career. In the military, Pak Harto started from the rank of KNIL army sergeant, then PETA commander, regimental commander with the rank of Major and commander of the rank of Lieutenant Colonel battalion.
In 1949, he succeeded in leading his troops to retake the city of Yogyakarta from the hands of the Dutch colonizers at that time. He was also the Guards of the Commander in Chief Sudirman. In addition, he was also Commander of the Mandala (liberation of West Irian).
On October 1, 1965, the G-30-S / PKI erupted. Soeharto took over the leadership of the Army. In addition to being inaugurated as a Commander, General Soeharto was appointed as the Pangkopamtib by President Soekarno. In March 1966, General Soeharto received a March 11 Order from President Soekarno. His job was to restore security and order and secure the teachings of the Great Leader of the Bung Karno Revolution.
Because the political situation worsened after the eruption of the G-30-S / PKI, the MPRS Special Session, in March 1967, appointed President Soeharto as Acting President, confirmed as Second President of the Republic of Indonesia, March 1968. President Harto ruled more than three decades through six elections , until he resigned, May 21, 1998.
After being treated for 24 days at Pertamina Central Hospital, South Jakarta, former president Soeharto finally died on Sunday, January 27, 2006. Suharto died at 1:10 a.m. at the age of 87.
