It is the year 1982, in an unknown country of the central African region: Chad. A charismatic guerrilla leader, widely known in the field of local politics, overthrows the then president, Goukouni Oueddei. This is Hissène Habré, a man who for almost ten years sowed fear in the Chadians hearts. Once he got the power, he creates its own "Gestapo", a kind of secret police force, called Documentation and Security Directorate (DSD).
Habré's DSD was responsible for executing at least 40,000 citizens. In addition, more than 200,000 tortures are attributed to him. However, it has taken 25 years for the former African dictator to sympathize with justice. A long wait for the victims of the "African Pinochet".
However, beyond the historical judgment that lies ahead, the road for the victims has been tortuous. Since the beginning of the 90's, the moment that Idriss Déby overthrows Habré, a strong movement of victims has been formed, led by the stoic and sagacious Souleymane Guengueng - he was imprisoned for two years and four months, Under subhuman conditions. Reports have been written, collecting the testimonies of those who lived the horror in their own flesh, but the answers have been hopeless.
In 2000, as a result of the evidence collected by Guengueng, the Senegal Government issues arrest warrant against Habré. However, the concept of Universal Justice still did not say anything new and the case of a former dictator, human rights violator, living in exile, did not worry the African ruling class. The Senegalese authorities declare themselves incompetent and, until that moment, Habré left unbeaten once more.
Over time, in 2006, a young African Union - created six years ago - decides that it is time to set a precedent and advocate for the arrest and prosecution of Habré. The African Union's jurists' committee honorably asked the Senegalese Government to judge the former dictator "on behalf of all Africa." But again, in Dakar, they declared themselves incompetent. Habré seemed to have many influences, exerting pressure with the weight of its history.
The process had been slowly cooking with mixed interests until six years later, on July 20, 2012, the International Court of Justice found that Senegal had failed to take the necessary actions to apprehend Habré. In the judgment, the Court states that "the Republic of Senegal shall, without further delay, refer the case of Mr. Hissène Habré to its competent authorities for the purposes of its prosecution." Then, in Dakar, a special jurisdiction was created for the process, while Guengueng and the other victims raised their fists in triumph.
This has been the story of a dictator who massacred and tortured. Also, it has been the history of a State that ignored and let pass. The Senegal Government showed its commitment to Habré´s victims from the moment in which Macky Sall comes to power -2012-. I would understand that little honorable intentions were pursued by his predecessor, Abdoulaye Wade, who served as President between 2000 and 2012; 12 years in which the message emited from Dakar was clear: Habré is not a threat to the Senegaleses safetyness, Chad is Chad and Senegal is Senegal.
September 7 will be a historic day for the courageous Souleymane Guengueng and the other victims of the tragedies that occurred in Chad between 1982 and 1990. It will also mark a milestone in the context of African justice. For the first time , a former dictator of this continent, accused of war crimes and crimes against humanity, will be tried in application of Universal Justice.
I believe that what happened with the Habré case in recent years gives a light of hope to the serious human rights violations victims around the world. As Reed Brody, Human Rights Watch's legal counsel, mentions, "the trial of Hissène Habré demonstrates to the victims that with perseverance and determination it is possible to bring a dictator to justice." Brody also points out that "this case is a warning to all tyrants in the world that if they commit atrocities they will never be beyond the reach of their victims." And, certainly, what happens to Habré in Africa is not limited to that space. The International Court of Justice, with regard to the implementation of Universal Justice measures, must act hand in hand with the pioneering states in human rights, requesting the extradition or prosecution of those who have committed crimes against humanity and are still free in exile.