On the 28th (the 28th, the 28th ...), Brazil's immediate destiny will be definitively decided. It is something that interests us a lot, because it is possible (but not sure, much less) that the future of Venezuela depends on those elections in Brazil. The result of the first round was already catastrophic for Fernando Haddad, the substitute of Lula as a candidate of the Workers' Party and, therefore, very positive for Jair Bolsonaro, retired army captain, parliamentarian of little brilliance and practically an elementary reactionary.

And it would seem that in the second round that tendency, far from diminishing, will grow. In an article published in "El País" of Spain, on Saturday, October 20, a week and a day before the second round, former Brazilian President Fernando Henrique Cardoso comments that Haddad "was defeated in the various regions of Brazil (except in the northeast, where he also lost in several capitals), in the various salary bands (except for those who earn twice the minimum wage or less) and in the various categories of school education (except among the least educated, but overwhelmingly in the case of those who have university degrees).

Only when one looks at the data by sex perceives a small difference (less than 5%) in favor of Haddad: women voted him more than men. "The women's issue is clearly explained by the indiscreet public statements of Bolsonaro in against women in many ways, but the rest have more profound causes: Cardoso says, and it is true, that "at this moment there is an irrational hatred of the PT for what it did and everything that is not 'order'." He adds: "The elections demonstrated what was imagined: contemporary society, that of the fourth productive revolution, is different from what was constituted in financial-industrial capitalism.

It seems to be more technological-financial, is fragmenting the old classes and dissolving their cements of cohesion, emptying the ideologies that corresponded to them. "It is important that majority rejection of the Lula Party, which is a rejection of socialism and to the Forum of Sao Paulo, and that is precisely what can favor the return of democracy to Venezuela. But do not be wrong:

Bolsonaro could be so exaggeratedly reactionary that he ends up being useless, besides that he will have to negotiate and temporize a lot to be able to govern, because the Brazilian democracy is so solid and so strong that Lula could not destroy it, could not imitate Chávez and Maduro, and that's why he could not impose himself fraudulently and he has to accept that the majority punish him as he is punishing him.

Bolsonaro is going to win, and for beating, and maybe he wants to get Maduro out of the way, in alliance with Duque and other governors of the continent, but that is not going to be his priority, but one of his goals. To fear, although it is obvious that he supported Venezuela's return to democracy, he did not have the strength to try.
Bolsonaro may not have it to achieve it, but it would seem that he will try to achieve it.

Unfortunately for him (and for us) in his success there are murky elements that will take away his strength. One is the nothing innocent intervention of the big businessmen with tricks and lies, through social networks, to favor it, and another is the weakness of their party, badly called "Social Liberal" (which is a clear contradiction), and that can hardly accompany him on the crest of the wave without the eternal ghost of corruption appearing and there is more than one who does not support him but who harms him.