I do not think there is a state of civil war in Venezuela yet. I do appreciate an extremely dangerous situation that needs to be tackled quickly.
The script of the United States Southern Command is underway, whose objective is not only to end the revolution but to turn Venezuela into another Libya or another Syria and have achieved some of its goals. Perhaps the most important is the shortage of food and medicines, artificially created by large food companies, whose owners, along with other corrupt oligarchs and officials, have made fortunes at the cost of the funds allocated by the State for the purchase of inputs and raw Materials.
This set of problems severely affects daily life, has created irritation in popular sectors and slowed the enormous flow of popular support that managed to conquer Chavismo with Chávez's strategic genius in command and high oil prices. At that stage, Venezuela included as full citizens, with decent salaries, medical care, educational services, decent pensions, quality housing and, above all, political participation and protagonism to the great majority until then marginalized and in many cases discriminated by color Of their skin.
Few times in history have social programs of this magnitude been put into action in such a short time. But although the standard of living of the masses improved considerably, the political conscience does not appear to have risen equally, without mentioning the inherent cult of consumption of the oil rentier model still in force, rooted even in the previously most disadvantaged sectors.
When Chavez was elected president again in 2012, there were already economic war clashes but far from reaching the degree of perfection and rigor that has been led by the counterrevolution under the presidency of Maduro.
The great difference of votes in favor of Chávez between that election and the one of Maduro in 2013, evidenced the additional damages of the economic war, but also the insufficient political work of the PSUV for those elections and, equally, confirmed the relevant paper of the great Charismatic leaders and agglutinators.
With these conditions against him, Nicolás Maduro won the presidential election unquestionably, but immediately there were protests of coup dye by opposition candidate Capriles that led to violent acts and the deaths of nine people. Maduro indulged in a maelstrom of work without pause in five years. He had to build his own leadership, strengthen civic military unity, fight the economic war with mass solutions and, despite the difficulties, continue and restore the great social missions created by Chávez. No less important, his honest effort to conduct a dialogue with the opposition.
It had to endure the guarimbas of February of 2014, that with balance of 43 dead and astronomical material damages were instigated by Leopoldo López, again with the coup bias invariable in the opposition. Shortly after came another rude setback for Chavismo when he lost the parliamentary elections of December 2015, his first electoral defeat in 17 years.
The right wing felt the right to overthrow Maduro long before fulfilling his mandate and initiated a series of seditious actions from the legislative body, which led the Supreme Court to declare it in contempt until today.
The biggest encouragement to the counterrevolution in its permanent purpose of overthrowing Maduro and the revolution comes with the arrival of Almagro to the secretary general of the OAS, seconded by frustrated Republican presidential candidate Marcos Rubio. From that infected place, the Uruguayan has articulated a anti-Venezuelan coalition of right-wing governments, including those of Mexico, Colombia, Brazil and Argentina, in blind obedience to the plans of the United States.
That and no concern for democracy and constitutional order is what has moved the right to the criminal spiral of ongoing fascist violence, which has already taken half a hundred lives. There is no doubt that if this ferocious attack is not dismantled with urgency, the counterrevolution will do everything in its power to slide the brother country towards civil war and foreign intervention. The coup to the violent right will strengthen the Chavista position towards the National Constituent Assembly and will facilitate to direct the great national dialogue that is sought.
